(Abstract taken from my own dissertation)
The admissibility of improperly
obtained evidence
It
is well established that the courts have the power to throw cases out of court
based on some infraction. Whether a police officer denied the suspect the right
to legal advice,[1]
or failed to note his name and station on arrest,[2]
the courts may use such reasoning to justify acquittal. Whilst in principle it
is arguably a fine moral standard to ensure misconduct is punished, one must
question whether the UK has the correct approach or whether more could be done
to ensure justice is achieved on a range of levels. Sanders and Young state
that ‘excluding reliable evidence at trial – or worse, halting the trial
altogether – so that a guilty person walks free, punishes the innocent public
along with the guilty police.’[3]
This essay submits that our system has a worrying view of what ‘justice’ is and
if we are going to start achieving it, changes must be made.
The
provision under which the exclusion of improperly obtained evidence is made
possible is found in the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE) s.78. The
section is based upon the supposed ‘adverse effects on the fairness of the
proceedings’[4]
if evidence is admitted which gives the prosecution an unfair advantage, or of
which the opposition have little or no chance at responding to. Although this
relatively new provision under PACE appears to empower the judiciary with
abundant discretion, Watkins LJ in Mason
pointed out that the section actually ‘does no more than to restate the power
which judges had at common law before the 1984 Act was passed’.[5] Issues of admissibility are thus potentially
rooted in historical thought, which perhaps explains the system’s reluctance to
reform. Nonetheless, there is certainly evidence of some change over the years,
given that the historical common law ‘was at the crime control end of the
spectrum’ whilst PACE demonstrates clear movement towards due process.[6]
All
the same, the issues are as confused now as they have always been. Indeed in R v Sang [1980][7]
‘all the members of the Lords...were prepared to recognise that there should be
the possibility of excluding evidence on the basis of unfairness, but did not
present any uniform view as to what circumstances might justify this’.[8] It
is probably fair to submit, given the ever-widening scope of s.78, that there
is still a vital lack of clarity as to what may or may not be excluded. The new
provision must, however, be extolled for the extensive scope inherent within
it. The term ‘improper evidence’ may be applied in respect of ‘illegal search;
identification evidence; suspects being wrongly denied access to solicitors;
confessions; alibi notices; breaches of PACE codes.’[9]
This means that whilst there may still be some confusion as to when evidence
will be excluded, the circumstances under which such a debate might arise will
undoubtedly fall within the provision.
It
is not entirely apparent whether s.78 is rooted in due process or crime control
rationale. Judicial discretion here, similarly, is neither prima facie advantageous nor detrimental to the defendant’s case as
it tends to produce anomalous results; this is perhaps a flaw in its own right.
The plethora of case law that has arisen in this area gives very little
guidance as to what the outcome of any given trial may be. The notion of
precedents has been partially, if not entirely, abandoned.
One
of the most recent examples of rights going above and beyond their original
purpose is that of Abu Qatada and the Courts’ decision to retain him in the UK.
The saga has been described as ‘a very expensive and very embarrassing headache
for the British Government’[10]
as the suspected terrorist from Jordan has been detained in the UK for the past
7 years, for fears that deporting him to his native country would result in a
criminal trial where evidence obtained by torture – which is not permitted
under the European Convention on Human Rights[11] -
is used to convict him. Taking such a due process stand has also highlighted
the fundamental quandary in attempting to find the ‘correct’ outcome - assuming
that one exists. As one human rights blog states: ‘On the one hand, we have
national security. On the other, due process and the rule of law. All three are
vital components of the public interest, and often they conflict.’[12]
There
are a plethora of issues which arise in the on-going Abu Qatada debate, which
will not be discussed here as the basis for this discussion is predominantly
centred on exclusion of evidence, linking to the wider issue of whether
criminals have too many human rights. However, it is important to note that making
such deeply due process-rooted decisions regarding evidence exclusion means
that not only in this case are public funds being spent on maintaining an
immigrant and giving him a luxurious lifestyle[13] –
it has been estimated that when calculating the legal aid, jail fees,
government bill, security, housing and benefits, Abu Qatada will cost the UK
approximately £6million in 2013[14] -
but the suspected terrorist is not being prosecuted in this country either.
Theresa May has voiced her concerns and told the Commons that the Government
will continue to do everything it can to get rid of Abu Qatada;[15]
the problem is finding a law that will permit such action, in a country which
is notoriously due process.
However,
exclusion of evidence dilemmas do not always arise in such high profile cases.
Take for example, Attorney General’s
Reference (No.3 of 1999)[16]
in which the defendant was acquitted after DNA evidence, proving his guilt, was
deemed inadmissible. The saliva sample taken on suspicion of burglary months
earlier – of which he was later acquitted – was not destroyed in accordance
with legislative provisions requiring destruction of samples.[17]
When swabs were taken some 9 months later from a rape victim, which matched the
defendant’s DNA profile, he was arrested and a hair sample was taken, proving further
evidence of his guilt. It is worth noting that although the suspect was
acquitted, the House of Lords disapproved of the result; this perhaps
demonstrates the need for acquittals to be challenged. This will be discussed
in the double jeopardy section below.
So
why are we so hell-bent on excluding evidence which is known to be reliable?
How can we be so blasé about acquitting a known-rapist? The issue remains
unclear, although it is thought to be rooted in the moral, or not-so-moral
standards, we are endorsing when we permit the state to benefit from
misconduct. Sanders and Young point out the fundamental impasse: ‘What
discredits the criminal justice system more: ignoring apparently reliable
evidence and allowing the apparently guilty to go free, or using illegally
obtained evidence and, by doing so, condoning illegal police behaviour which
may not be subject to any other sanction?’[18]
The
writers also highlight the crime control view that ‘legal niceties should not
obstruct the search for the truth’[19] –
with which this essay is inclined to agree. The issue of admissible or
inadmissible evidence is ripe for reform. Although adjudicators now lean
towards an arguably more attractive ‘reliability’ stance, if judicial
discretion is indeed the way forward, there is a need for clearer guidelines
and more consistent precedents; otherwise the justice system becomes a shambles
of incomprehensible decisions, supposedly founded on little more than simply
good sense.
[1] Samuel [1988] 2 All E.R. 135
[2] Osman v Southwalk Crown Court [The Times 28 Sept 1999]
[3] Andrew Sanders & Richard
Young, Criminal Justice (4th
edn, OUP 2010) 700
[4] Police and Criminal Evidence Act
1984, s.78(1)
[5] Diane Birch & David Ormerod,
‘The evolution of the discretionary exclusion of evidence’ [2004] Crim LR 774
[6] Andrew Sanders & Richard
Young, Criminal Justice (4th edn, OUP
2010) 701-2
[7] [1980] AC 402
[8] Richard Stone, Civil Liberties & Human Rights (8th
edn, OUP 2010) 168
[9] Diane Birch & David Ormerod,
‘The evolution of the discretionary exclusion of evidence’ [2004] Crim LR 774-5
[10] Online constitutional law blog:
Tom Hickman, ‘The Return of Abu Qatada (to the streets of London)’ (2012) -
http://ukconstitutionallaw.org/2012/11/14/tom-hickman-the-return-of-abu-qatada-to-the-streets-of-london/
[11] European Convention on Human
Rights, Article 3
[12] Online human rights blog: Adam
Wagner, ‘Abu Qatada: in the public interest’ (2012) -
http://ukhumanrightsblog.com/2012/11/16/abu-qatada-in-the-public-interest/
[13] For example, the £400,000 house
in Wembley, as reported by Tom Peck, ‘Abu Qatada is moved to secret address
after protesters target his home’ (2012) The Independent
[14] Online article: Richard Moriarty
& Luke Heighton, ‘Abu Qatada will cost UK taxpayers £6m this year’ (2013)
The Sun -
http://www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/news/4765055/Abu-Qatada-will-cost-UK-taxpayers-6m-this-year.html
[15] Online article: unknown author,
‘Abu Qatada wins appeal against deportation’ (2012) BBC News -
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-20295754
[16] [2001] 2 A.C. 91
[17] Police and Criminal Evidence Act
1984, s.64(1)
[18] Andrew Sanders & Richard
Young, Criminal Justice (4th edn, OUP
2010) 700
[19] Andrew Sanders & Richard
Young, Criminal Justice (4th edn, OUP
2010) 700